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War Cyclopedia - W

Wall Street and the War. See "Rich Man's War, Poor Man's Fight."

War Aims of the United States. Since the United States entered the war the President has upon three notable occasions clearly and explicitly set forth the American aim, the objects which must be attained by any peace to which the United States can agree: In the war message of April 2, 1917, the note to Russia on May 20, and the reply to the Pope, dated August 27, 1917. The war objects stated by the President In these historic documents were as follows: (1) Recognition of the rights and liberties of small nations. (2) Recognition of the principle that government derives its just power from the consent of the governed. (3) Reparations for wrongs done and the erection of adequate safeguards to prevent their being committed again. (4) No indemnities except as payment for manifest wrongs. (5) No people to be forced under a sovereignty under which it does not wish to live. (6) No territory to change hands except for the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and liberty. (7) No readjustments of power except such as will tend to secure the future peace Of the world and the future welfare and happiness of its peoples. (8) A genuine and practical cooperation of the free peoples of the world in some common covenant that will combine their forces to secure peace and justice In the dealings of nations with one another. In his note of May 26 to Russia the President further said: "The position of America in this war Is so clearly avowed that no man can be excused for mistaking it. She seeks no material profit nor aggrandizement of any kind. She is fighting for no advantage or selfish object of her own, but for the liberation of peoples everywhere from the aggressions of autocratic force." See Aim of United States.

"War Babies." A nickname applied to a group of American Industrial stocks, such as American Locomotive Co. and Bethlehem Steel Co., whose values and profits have been so greatly inflated since the outbreak of the war in Europe that they have become the subject of wild speculation. It Is the opinion of the President, expressed July 11, 1917, that no one has a right to get rich out of the war. See Profiteering; War Chemistry.

War Cabinet, British. The term "war cabinet" may be applied to the Liberal cabinet of Great Britain in office from the beginning of the war to May, 1915, and to the reorganized coalition cabinet which took its place until December, 1916, in both~ which Mr. H. H. Asquith was Prime Minister. But It Is more -specifically used for the small council of five members set up the formation of the Lloyd George ministry, which replaced the coalition cabinet. This new cabinet differs from the conventional British cabinet in its composition and in its relations 4oT~-"the department ministers and to Parliament. It is much smaller in numbers. It is not composed of department heads, but stands over these with -a general power of direction. It is not a coherent party group. It was not organized as the result of any formal vote in the House of Commons, and neither the Prime Minister nor the other members regularly attend the sessions of Parliament. See Cabinet System; Coalition Cabinet.

War Chemistry, Drugs. The necessary drugs and medicines habitually used In the United States have been cut off by~ war, and the production of substitutes and creation of home Industries have been the result. The cost of drugs has been generally increased by this disarrangement but the stimulation of the chemical industry has been a great advantage. The utilization of coal tar, benzol, and ammonia, liberated by the by-product coke ovens, has resulted in a remarkable growth of -synthetic medicines, flavors, perfumes, etc., from coal tar, and the United States has been able almost fully to supply the home -market with camphor. ~Imports in drugs have decreased during the last three years, while exports have Increased enormously. Exports of sodium salts and preparations alone have increased from $3,141,022 in 1914-15 to $12,649,854 in 1915-16 and $18, -881,450 in .1916-17. Some of the increased value thus indicated is due, however, to the condition of rapidly rising prices.

War Chemistry, Dyestuffs. The production of dyestuffs previously supplied by Germany has been one of the great chemical problems of the last three years. Some German dyestuffs have reached the United States through Switzerland, imports from that country having increased from $960,018 in 1911-15 to $1,957,799 in 1916-17. The natural industry in indigo has been revived in India and some natural coloring has reached this country by importation. The bulk of American dyestuffs, however, has been supplied by American products and American made colorings and chemicals. The value of natural dyestuffs in the United States increased from $144,000 -In 1914 to $544,000 In 1915, an Increase of 285 per cent in less than 12 months. The domestic production of coal-tar dyestuffs has increased during 1916-17 until it can not only supply the American market, but has become an important export. Exportation in dyestuffs for the month of June, 1917, were valued at $1,461,646, as compared with $782,646 in .Then, 1916. The chemical production of various shades and colors has furnished important subordinate items to the dyestuff problem. "The commercial submarines, Deutseland and Bremen, were to a great extent built with money furnished by the dye-stuff manufacturers, who hoped that by sending dyestuffs in this way to America they could prevent the development of the industry there. I ha~ many negotiations with the Foreign Office with reference to this question of dyestuffs." (Gerard, My Four Years in Germany, p. 264.)

War Chemistry, High Explosives. Guncotton, nitroglycerine, trinitro-toluol (TNT), etc., all compounds the manufacture of which, in this country, was in its infancy at the outbreak of the European war. One of the most important chemicals in the production of these compounds is sulphuric acid, which Is obtained from sulphur and from pyrites, or "fool's gold." The principal source of the latter substance has hitherto been the Spanish mines, but submarine warfare has served to direct attention to deposits nearer home, those of Cuba, the New England States, Alabama, etc. Sulphur is obtained in considerable quantities from Louisiana. Scarcely secondary in importance is nitric acid, which Is obtained from Chile saltpeter. One of the results of the British embargo has been to cut off Germany's supplies of this substance, forcing her to obtain nitric acid from the air by elaborate and expensive processes. Toluol and ammonia, both ingredients of high explosives, are obtained from gas and coke, distillations of which also lie at the basis of the aniline dye industry. Thus Germany has cleverly combined the business of making gaudy colors for her neighbors with that of preparing to kill them.

War, Cost to the United States. The estimated ordinary expenses of this Government in the first year of its participation in the war is $12,067,278,679.07. This does not include a penny of what we have lent and are going to lend to our associates. It is merely the sum to be spent, with no financial return, on the running of the Government in war time, including, of course, the expense of the greatly enlarged Army and Navy on the new war footing. This total for the present year is $27,807,000 more than the Government spent in the entire 17 years from the beginning of the present century to the present year. On August 1, 1917, it was estimated that the war was costing as follows: Total to Aug. 1, 1917.
Entente allies 359,421,500,000 376,700,000
Teutonic allies 30,300,000,000 40,000,000
89, 721, 500,000 116, 700,000

See War Loans and Costs.

War Council, Allied. See Supreme War Council.

War, Declarations of. The following table shows the dates at which the war, or breach of diplomatic relations (the latter being shown in the following table in italics) involved the various countries: Germany. Austria- I Turkey. I Bulgaria. Hungary. Belgium *Aug. 4,1914 *Aug. 28,1914 Bolivia Apr. 15,1917 I Brazil Oct. 26, 1917 China Aug. 14,1917 Aug. 14,1917 Costa Rica Sept. 21,1917 Cuba Apr. 7,1917 Ecuador Dec 8 1917 France *Aug. 3,1914 Aug. 12,1914 Nov. 5, 1914 Oct. ~18 1915 Great Britain Aug. 4,1914 Aug. 12,1914 Nov. 5,1914 Oct. 15, 1915 Greece ~. - - - July 2,1917 July 2, 1917 July 2,1917 Provisional Gov- ernment Nov. 28,1916 Nov. 28,1916 Guatemala Apr. 28,1917 Haiti June 17,1917 Honduras Ma~ 17,1917 Italy Aug. 27,1916 May 23,1915 Aug. 20, 1915 Oct. - - 19,1915 Jauan Aug. 23,1914 *Aug. 27,1914 Lileria Aug. 4,1917 Montenegro Aug. 9,1914 Aug. 7,1914 Nicaragua Mali 18,1917 Panama Apr. 7,1917 Dec. 10,1917 Peru Oct. 6,1917 f Portugal *Mar. 8,1916 *Mar 15,1916 Roumama *Aug. 28,1916 Aug. 27,1916 *Aug. 31,1916 *Aug. Russia *Aug. 1,1914 *Aug. 6,1914 Nov. 3,1914 Oct 19,1915 San Marina May 24, 1915 Serbia Aug. 9,1914 *July 28,1914 Dec. 2, 1914 *Oct: 14 i9i5 Siam July 22, 1917 July 22,1917 United States Apr. 6, 1917 Dec. 7,1917 Uruguay Oct. 7,1917

* War declared by a Central Power (named at top of column). In all other cases declaration was first made by an Entente Power. f In the case of Portugal a resolution was passed on Nov. 23, 1914, authorizing military intervention as ally of Great Britain; on May 19, 1915, military aid was granted; on Mar. 8, 1915, Germany declared war on Portugal.

War, Declaration against Austria-Hungary- In his message of December 4, 1917, the President asked Congress to declare war on Austria-Hungary, which was done on December 7. In the Senate the vote was unanimous, and in the House of Representatives only one Member (Meyer London, of New York, a Socialist) voted against the joint resolution, which was in the following terms: "Whereas the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government has committed repeated acts of war against the Government and the people of the United States of America: Thereo~ fore be it "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a state of war is hereby declared to exist between the United States of America and the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government, and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States." See Austria-Hungary, President Recommends War.

War. Declaration against Germany. On April 2, 1917, the President read to the new Congress his message, in which he asked the representatives of the Nation to declare the existence of a state of war, and on April 6 the following joint resolution passed: "Whereas the imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the Government and the people of the United States of America: Therefore be it "1?esolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of t7a~e United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States." See Aim of United States; German Government, Break with.

War Finance. "Public finance" is the name given to the operations of Government in obtaining the wherewithal. Before the present war the facts with which finance deals, and which are usually expressed in terms of dollars and cents, were often given an exaggerated importance. To-day, however, we see that money, while a convenience, is not an absolute necessity In waging war; that the prime essentials are men, munitions, food, and clothing. Indeed, even public credit need not rest on any immediate evidences of financial power, but upon the patriotism and resolution of the people. Finance, therefore, can do little to lighten the burden which war means to the community as a whole, but it can do a great deal to distribute this burden fairly and equitably as among the different classes of which the community is composed and as between the present generation and posterity; and this must be its task. See ; War Loans, German; War Tax on Excess Profits; etc.

War Finance, Loans, and Taxes. The things used in the war must be on hand during the war itself, but the work of sup. plying them can often be shifted in part to other nations, and thus the amount of them increased, in return for engagements to be met in the future. Also bonds furnish a convenient way for taking up the "slack" caused in certain industries by the disturbance of war, while too heavy taxes may make inroads upon capital which is being used in producing the very things most demanded by the war. Both loans and taxes will, therefore, be needed in financing our part of the war, but it will be fairest to posterity, and in the long run, to ourselves, If we increase gradually the proportion of taxes to loans. The relative burden to be borne by the different classes of the community, on the other hand, will be determined by the kind of taxation we have, both during the war and after it is over. Government should at all times get its revenues from the kinds of taxes which are most equitable and so from Income taxes rather than consumption taxes. The financial plans of our Government meet these various demands admirably. We are already relying upon taxation to a greater extent than we ever did in the course of the Civil War, and our principal taxes are levied on incomes and profits at progressive rates. See "Pay as You Go" War; "Rich Man's War, Poor Man's Fight."

War, German Ruthlessness (1). "War," said Clausewitz, - the great Prussian authority on the subject, about 1827, "is an act of violence intended to compel our enemy to fulfill our will. In such dangerous things as war the errors which proceed from a spirit of 'good naturedness' are the worst. - . . He who uses force unsparingly . . . must obtain a superiority if his adversary uses less vigor in its application. . . . To introduce into the philosophy of war itself a principle of moderation would be an absurdity." "Its procedure," echoes Hartmann, another German writer, "is completely ruthless." "Since the tendency of thought of the last century," says the War Book, compiled by _ the German general staff, "was dominated essentially by humani tarian considerations which not infrequently degenerated into sentimentality and flabby emotionalism, there have not been wanting attempts to influence the development of the usages of war in a way which was in fundamental contradiction with the nature of war and its object. By steeping himself in military history an officer will be able to guard himself against excessive humanitarian notions. It will teach him that certain seventies are indispensable." "We are compelled .to carry on this war with a cruelty, a ruthlessness, an employment of every imaginable device, unknown in any previous war." (Pastor Baumgarten in Deutsche Reden in Sehwerer Zeit, 1914-15.)

War, German Ruthlessness (2) - Feudalism plus science, thirteenth century plus twentieth-this is the religion of the mistaken Germany that has linked itself with the Turk, that has, too, adopted the method of Mahomet. 'The state has no conscience,' 'the state can do no wrong.' With the spirit of the fanatic, she believes this gospel and that it is her duty to spread it by force. With poison gas that makes living a hell, with sub marines that sneak through the seas to slyly murder noncombatants, with dirigibles that bombard men and women while they sleep, with a perfected system of terrorization that the modern world first heard of when German troops entered China-German feudalism is making war on mankind.' (Secretary Lane, before the Home Club of the Interior Department Washington, June 4, 1917.) See Atrocities; "Frightfulness"; Hague and Geneva Conventions, German Violations; German War Code; "Hun"; "Kriegs-Raison"; Submarine Warfare

War, German View. The German theory of the purpose of war is stated by Bernhardi as follows: "War is an instrument of progress, a regulator in the life of humanity, an indispensable factor of civilization, a creative power." The same idea is expressed by Lasson: "War is the fundamental phenomenon in the life of States"; or, as Trietschke has put it "War is the forceful extension of policy." The Anglo-American theory is different and points to very different results. It is that war is primarily remedial, a redress of grievances, a method of self-help. And being a means rather than an end, with the vindication of the law its object, the rules governing it must be followed as a matter of course. More than that, however, since war takes place chiefly for the lack of a better method of obtaining one's rights, the essential step in its abolition must be to supply something better. In short, where the Prussian idea of war presents it as a positive good, the Anglo-American idea presents it as a necessary evil, and offers the hope that it will not always be necessary. See Arbitration; Disarmament; German War Code; Militarism; Permanent Peace.

War Industries Board. The War Industries Board, which acts as a clearing house for the war industry needs of the Government, was created July 28, 1917, by the Council of National Defense with the approval of the President. It absorbed the work of the former General Munitions Board of the Council and also of the automotive committee and the committees on raw materials and supplies of the Advisory Commission. Of the members of the board, Mr. B. M. Baruch gives his attention in particular to raw materials; Mr. Robert S. Brookings gives his attention in particular to finished products; and Judge R. S. Lovett exercises such priority control, including transportation, as is authorized to the Government. The board assists the purchasing departments of the Army and Navy, and in conjunction with the Federal Trade Commission assists the President in fixing prices of basic products, such as copper, steel, etc. In addition to the priority control which it exercises through the powers delegated to Judge Lovett by the President, it controls, with the assistance of the exports council, the buying of the Allies. For this purpose three of its members-Mr. Baruch, Mr. Brookings, and Judge Lovett-together with Mr. Herbert . Hoover in food matters, constitute the Allied purchasing commission. "The luxuries of peace must give way to the necessity of war. We must standardize, economize, and then produce, produce, produce. This country has three great necessities for making modern war-men, metal, and machinery. We must make them all available now," says the chairman of the War Industries Board. The members are B. M. Baruch, 11. S. Brookings, Hugh Frayne, R. S. Lovett, Lieut. Col. P. E. Pierce, Rear Admiral F. F. Fletcher, and Frank A. Scott, who was chairman until October 25, 1917. See Council of 7~'Tationctl Defense; Munitions Ministry; Priority.

War Information Series. A series of pamphlets prepared and distributed, without charge, by the Committee on Public Information, 10 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C. No. 1. The War Message and Facts Behind It. No. 2. The Nation in Arms, by Secretaries Lane and Baker. No. 3. The Government of Germany, by Prof. Charles D. Hazen. No. 4. The Great War: From Spectator to Participant, by Prof. A. C. McLaughlin. No. 5. A War of Self Defense, by Secretary Lansing and Assistant Secretary of Labor Louis F. Post. No. 6. American Loyalty, by Citizens of German Descent. No. 7. Amerikanische Bflrgertreue. A translation of No. 6. No. 8. America's Interest in Popular Government Abroad, by Prof. E. B. Greene. No. 9. Home Lessons for Citizen Soldiers. No. 10. First Session of the War Congress, by Charles Merz. No. 11. The German War Code, by J. W. Garner and G. W. Scott. Other issues will appear shortly.

War Insurance. See Soldiers' and Sailors' Insurance Act; War Risk Insurance.

War Loans and Costs. As long ago as in April, 1916, the approximate amounts of the loans contracted for war purposes by the different belligerent powers were stated to be $19,881,731,110 for the Allies ($7,903,145,000 for Great Britain and $6,590,053,000 for France) and $9,206,750,000 for the enemy powers (6,415,250,000 for Germany). This was a grand total of $29,088,481,110 for all war loans. It was predicted, on authority, before the United States entered the war that $75,000,000,000 would be its cost to all the belligerents on the third anniversary day of its beginning. As a matter of fact, at the end of three years, in August, 1917, the total cost was found -to be $90,000,000,000, and the rate of expenditure was $117,000,000 daily. The statement at this time was as follows: United Kingdom $26, 705, 000, 000 France 16, 530 000 000 Russia 14, 250, 000, 000 Italy 5 050, 000, 000 United States 1 629 000 000 Other allies 3, 250 000 000 Total 67 414, 000 000 Less advances of one power to another 7 992, 500 000 Net total for Allies 59, 421, 500 000 Germany 19, 750 000 000 Austria-Hungary 9, 700 000 000 Bulgaria and Turkey 1 450 000 000 Total 30, 900, 000 000 Less advances 600 000 000 Net total for enemy 30 300 000 000 Grand total cost 89, 721, 500 000

War Loans, German. In an article entitled "The Necessity of a War Indemnity," by C. Oetleshofen, in Das Grossere Deutsekland for August 18, 1917, the crushing burden of the interest charges on the German loans is indicated: "However great the economic strength of Germany may be assumed to be, we can not escape the fact that such an increase of expenditures [as 7,000,000,000 marks ($1,750,000,000) annual interest on war loans] will cripple the whole national economy. In the year 1913 the income of all Individuals whose annual receipt were 3,000 marks or over amounted in the aggregate for the whole territory of Prussia to only 7,000,000,000 marks in round numbers. The aggregate paid-in capital of all German business corporations, including incorporated banks, is but 15,500,000,000 marks, and their reserve in round numbers 4,000,000,000 marks. During the relatively favorable year of 1913 they paid altogether only 1,333,000,000 marks in dividends. Consequently the total dividends of all our corporations in Germany would not cover more than a fifth, part of the annual increase in the Empire's expenditures." It should be added that this was written before the addition of the 600,000,000 marks annual interest (estimated) for the loan of September, 1917.

War, Low Death Rate from Casualties. "Up to about June 1, the losses of the British expeditionary forces in deaths in action and deaths from wounds were about 7 per cent of the total of all men sent to France since the beginning of the war. It may be added that the ratio of losses of this character to-day, because of improved tactics and the swiftly mounting allied superiority in artillery, is less than seven to every hundred men." (Secretary of War Baker, Nov. 10, 1917.)

War, Magnitude of. "I believe that the American people hardly yet realize the sacrifices and sufferings that are before them. We thought the scale of our Civil War was unprecedented, but In comparison with the struggle Into which we have now entered the Civil War seems almost insignificant in its proportions and in Its expenditure of treasure and of blood." (President Wilson, Washington, May 12, 1917.)

War, Object of. "The object of this war is to deliver the free peoples of the world from the menace and the actual power of a vast military establishment controlled by an irresponsible government which, having secretly planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry the plan out without regard either to the sacred obligations of treaty or the long-established practices and long-cherished principles of international action and honor; which chose its own time for the war; delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at no barrier either of law or of mercy; swept a whole continent within the tide of blood-not the blood of soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and children also, and of the helpless poor; and now stands balked but not defeated, the enemy of four-fifths of the world. This power is not the German people. It is the ruthless master of the German people. It is no business of ours how that great people came under its control or submitted with temporary zest to the domination of its purpose; but it is our business to see to it that the history of the rest of the world is no longer left to its handling." (President's reply to the peace overtures of the Pope.) See American Creed; Democracy, a World Safe for; United States, War Aims of.

War Powers. The constitutional powers of the United States Government in the conduct of war. The specific items of the power are: (1) The powers of Congress to provide money for the common- defense, to raise and equip armies and fleets, to declare war, to call the militia of the several States into the service of the United States in cases of insurrection or invasion, and to provide for the governance of the forces of the United States; and (2) the powers of the President as commander in chief of the Army and Navy. These powers, as they have been construed and applied since the beginning of our Government, comprise the full powers of sovereignty In the conduct of war, either foreign or domestic. As Hamilton expressed it in the Federalist, they are powers which "ought to exist without limitation, because it is impossible to foresee or define the extent and variety of national exigencies, or the correspondent extent and variety of the means which may be necessary to satisfy them;" or, as Justice Story put it, the Constitution must be deemed to have provided the powers necessary for the national defense, otherwise "the country would be in danger of losing both its liberty and its sovereignty. . . . It would be more willing to submit to foreign conquest than to domestic rule." See Congress, Implied Powers of; President's War Powers.

War Powers, Lincoln on. "I am unable," said Lincoln in 1863, "to appreciate the danger apprehended that the American people will, by means of military arrests during the Rebellion, lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the laws of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during a temporary illness as to~ persist in feeding upon them during the remainder of his healthful life." Hamilton had expressed himself to the same effect in the Federalist. "The idea of restraining the legislative authority," he there wrote, "in the means of providing for the national defense, is one of those refinements which owe their origin to a zeal for liberty more ardent than enlightened."

War Purchases of Munitions. By law our Government fixes the prices at which it buys its war supplies from the munitions makers. As the buying of the Allies is centralized, the same control of purchases will be effected by them. Before we entered the war, and while the Allies were bidding for supplies, there were highly exaggerated notions of the profits in the munitions business. Figures gathered by the Treasury Department as a basis for congressional action showed that only about half the munitions makers of the country earned enough to make them taxable under the far-reaching excess-profits tax. The Treasury figures were based on the most profitable period, i. e., that before we entered the war, while buying was unregulated, no taxes were imposed, and labor and materials were obtainable at a lower rate than they have been since. See "Rich Man's War, Poor Man's Fight"; War Taw on Excess Profits.

War Relief. The most important agency for relief is the American Red Cross Society, which has been active since the outbreak of the European war. The sanitary commission, financed largely by the Rockefeller Foundation, made a remarkable record in the typhus fever epidemic in Serbia. The Commission for Relief in Belgium carried on its work under most embarrassing circumstances, distributing millions of dollars in foodstuffs. The average monthly expenditure during 1915 was $5,000,000. The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has published a list of 40 organizations, with the total amount given by each up to dates which vary from January 1 to April 1, 1916, the grand total being $28,896,177.36 But the agencies and amounts spent in war relief have recently greatly increased. See Belgium, Commission for Relief ~n, Carnegie Endowment; Red Cross.

War, Responsibility for, in 1914 (1). In all her public utterances Germany to satisfy her own people has insistently claimed that the present war was forced upon her by her enemies. In the declaration of war against France she alleged that France had already violated German territory by the drop ping of bombs from a French aeroplane on railway lines near Nuremberg. This charge was disproved by the testimony of the military commander of that district. (Letter of Prof Schwalbe in Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, May 18 1915.) Similar assertions, designed to prove the. Entente Allies the aggressors, were contained in the Austrian declaration of war on Serbia, and the German declaration on Russia. First it was Russia, then France, then England that was represented as the aggressor who precipitated the war. Now, three years after the war's beginning, the German propaganda has returned to Russia. In particular much has been made of the alleged general mobilization by Russia before the German mobilization thus rendering fruitless the efforts for peace which it is claimed the Kaiser was making; and garbled reports are circulated in and out of Germany of the evidence in the trial of the Russian general, Soukhomlinov, in September, 1917, as affording irrefutable proof of such mobilization. (See Mobilization Controversy, Soukhomlimov.) Even if this evidence proved all that the Ger mans claim it does, the larger question of responsibility for the general situation out of which mobilization grew would remain unaltered. Mr. Viviani, the French Minister for Foreign Affamrb correctly summed up the subject in a statement July 31 1914 "All the impressions derived from Berlin bring conviction that Germany has sought to humiliate Russia, to disintegrate the Triple Entente, and, if these results could not be obtained to make war."

War Risk Insurance. By an act of September 2, 1914, a Bureau of War Risk Insurance was established for the insurance of shipping and commerce at reasonable rates. Up to June 30, 1917, policies had been issued to the amount of $623,964,598. By an act of June 12, 1917, the bureau was empowered to extend its insurance to officers and seamen of American merchant ships. The protection includes indemnity for injuries and compensation during captivity, as well as insurance against death. Full particulars are obtainable from the bureau, which is in the Treasury Department, Washington.

War Saving Stamps and Certificates. Provided for in the bond act of September 24, 1917, and put in operation December 3. The stamps are sold in two denominations-thrift stamps costing 25 cents each and war-savings stamps. When 16 thrift stamps are affixed to a thrift card the latter may be exchanged for a war-savings stamp by paying accrued interest of from 12 to 23 cents, according to the month in which issued. The war-savings stamps are to be affixed to certificates containing spaces for 20 stamps, and having a face value of $100. These will be dated January 2, 1918 and will mature January 1, 1923. If the 20 spaces are filled during December, 1917, or January, 1918, the cost to the purchaser will be $4.12 for each stamp, or $82.40 for the full certificate, and on January 1, 1928, the Government will redeem the certificate at $100, giving the holder a net profit of $17.60 for the use of his money. This is an excellent device for combining savings and investment with patriotic service. The stamps are for sale at all post offices and other public places. See Bond Acts.

Warsaw. The capital of Russian Poland, into which the Germans advanced after repelling the first Russian invasion of East Prussia in 1914. Warsaw was threatened as early as October 13. The Austro-German forces pursuing the Russians in their retreat from Galicia in 1915 made advances toward Warsaw but did not reach the city. The German offensive of July 12-14, 1915, along the entire eastern front caused the Russians to shorten their lines about Warsaw. The fall of Ivangorod on August 4 forced the evacuation of Warsaw, and the Germans entered the city August 4, 1915 .

War Tax, Excise. See, Practical Effects.

War Tax on Excess Profits. Under the act of October 3, 1917, a tax is levied on the net incomes of individuals, partnerships, or corporations which (after certain permitted deductions) are in excess of certain percentages of the invested capital of such individuals, etc. The rates are as follows: 20 per cent of profits not in excess of 15 per cent of the invested capital; 25 per cent of profits, 15 per cent and not in excess of 20 per cent of invested capital; 35 per cent of profits. 20 per cent and not in excess of 25 per cent of invested capital; 45 per cent of profits, 25 per cent and not in excess of 33 per cent of invested capital; 60 per cent of profits, 33 per cent and better of Invested capital. In addition, in the case of a trade or business (a term which includes the professions as well) having no Invested capital or only a nominal capital, a tax of 8 per cent is levied on all net incomes, of individuals, above $6,000, or of corporations, above $3,000. Finally the tax of 12~ per cent which was levied by the act of September 8, 1916, on the net Incomes of all persons, corporations, etc., manufacturing munitions, electric motor boats, submarines, etc., or parts of same, is reduced after January 1, next, to 10 per cent.

War Tax on Incomes. Under the act of October 3, 1917, new income taxes are imposed. The preceding law taxed the net income of individuals in excess of $3,000 for an unmarried man and $4,000 for a head of a family. The war tax bill reduces the exemption of unmarried persons to $1,000 and of heads of families to $2,000, but grants an additional exemption of $200 for each dependent child. The surtaxes on incomes of $5,000 and over are the same for all, as follows: Between $5,000 and $7,500, 1 per cent; $7,500 and $10,000, 2 per cent; $10,000 and $12,500, 3 per cent; $12,500 and $15,000, 4 per cent; $15,000 and $20,000, 5 per cent; $20,000 and $40,000, 8 per cent; $40,000 and $60,000, 12 per cent; $60,000 and $80,000, 17 per cent; $80,000' and $100,000, 22 per cent; $100,000 and $150,00, 27 per cent; $150,000 and $300,000, 42 per cent; $300,000 and $500,000, 46 per cent; $500,000 and $750,000, 50 per cent; $750,000 and $1,000,000, 55 per cent; $1,000,000 and $1,500,000, 61 per cent; $1,500,000 and $2,000,000, 62 per cent; over $2,000,000, 63 per cent. War Tax, Practical Effects. The war revenue act of October 3, 1917, will compel the average citizen to pay, among others, the following taxes: Approximately 2 per cent increase on incomes of $5,000 or less. Letter postage, except local letters, increased to 3 cents and post cards to 2 cents beginning November 3. One cent for each 10 cents paid for admissions to amusements, 5-cent shows and 10-cent outdoor amusement parks exempted. Ten per cent on all club dues of $12 a year or over. One cent for each 25 cents paid for parcel post. One cent on each 20-cent express package charge. Three per cent of all freight charges. Eight per cent of passenger fares by rail or water, except trips of less than 30 miles. Ten per cent of charges for seats, berths, and staterooms on parlor cars or vessels. Five cents on each telegraph, telephone, or radio message costing 15 cents or more. Three per cent on jewelry. Three per cent on checkerboards and all kinds of games. Two per cent on perfumes, toilet waters, toilet soaps, etc. Two per cent on proprietary medicines. Two per cent on chewing gum. One cent on each dollar of premium for fire and casualty insurance. Three per cent on graphophone records. Eight cents on each $100 of life insurance. The tax on whisky is increased from $1.10 a gallon to $3.20. The tax on beer is increased from $1 a barrel to $2.75. Increased tax on cigars, cigarettes, and manufactured tobacco -and snuff.

War Trade Board. Under the trading with the enemy act this board consists of representatives of the Secretaries of State, Treasury, Agriculture, Commerce, the Food Administration, and the Shipping Board, with power to control foreign trade by license in order to prevent trade being conducted from the United States with or to the advantage of the enemies of the United States, to control by license the business of enemy, or ally of enemy, companies in the United States, and to exercise the powers of the Export Administrative Board of August 21. Appeals from decisions of the board go to the War Trade Council. The New York offices of the War Trade Board are at 45 Broadway.

War Trade Council. An appeal board consisting of the Secretaries of State, Treasury, Agriculture, and Commerce, the 'Food Administration, and the chairman of the Shipping Board, with powers, under the trading with the enemy act, to advise the President and the War Trade Board.

War Vessels, Belligerent. By the established rules of international law a neutral may admit the war vessels of belligerent powers to its harbors on terms of absolute impartiality, but it is not expected ordinarily to allow them to remain longer than 24 hours except on account of damage or stress of weather. The vessels thus admitted may make such repairs as are absolutely necessary to render them seaworthy and take on enough coal to enable them to reach their nearest home port, but they may not, of course, augment their supplies of war materials or their crews; and belligerent warships may not replenish their fuel supply a second time in a port of the same neutral within three months. Where these rules are transgressed, it is the duty of the neutral to intern the offending belligerent vessel. See hit era; Neutral Duties; Prizes in Neutral Ports.

War Zone. The present war has brought into prominence the conception of a military area at sea, commonly called a war zone. "As established in practice, it is aimed to secure many of the effects of a blockade, but its primary motive is to preempt a portion of the sea for a continuous naval employment."

War Zone, British. At the very beginning of the European war Germany planted mines in the North Sea without notification, leaving them to deal death indiscriminately to neutral and to enemy, to combatant and to noncombatant. Toward the end of October, 1914, British trading vessels were sunk with loss of life, and neutral vessels, in all probability, escaped the fate only because of warning given by British cruisers. The British Government on November 3, 1914, announced that "the whole of the North Sea must be considered a military in which vessels of all countries would be exposed to the gravest dangers from mines and warships unless they followed the route prescribed by the Admiralty. All ships wishing to trade to and from Norway, the Baltic, Denmark, and Holland were advised to take the route by the Straits of Dover; all ships which crossed a line drawn from the Hebrides through the Faroe Islands to Iceland would do so at their peril. The British policy entailed unusual hardships for the commerce of the United States. The detention of vessels bound for neutral ports was the chief grievance, and merchants and shippers besought the Government for relief. As a result, the Department of State on December 26, 1914, addressed to the British Government the first formal protest complaining against the treatment accorded vessels and cargoes bound for neutral -ports. See Detention;, British.

War Zone, German. On February 4, 1915, the German Government declared "the waters surrounding Great Britain and Ireland, including the whole English Channel, to be comprised within the seat of war," and published its intention of sinking enemy merchantmen within this area after the ensuing February 18. Neutral powers were accordingly warned not to entrust "their crews, passengers, or merchandise to such vessels," and were urged to keep their own vessels out of said waters. The United States, on February 10, denied the legality of such a policy, and stated that it would hold the German Government to "a strict accountability" for its actions. In the second Lusitania note, our Government declared that it could not admit that such a proclamation could operate "as in any degree an abbreviation of the rights either of American ship-masters or American citizens" on the high seas. On February. 1, 1917, the German Government extended this zone to the westward and southward, including the Mediterranean, and prescribed certain markings for one American ship a week which would be allowed to pass through the war zone in safety. It was this announcement which caused President Wilson to band Count von Bernstorff his passports on February 3, 1917. Finally, late in November, 1917, the German Government announced the establishment of a similar zone about the Azores. See Freedom of the Seas, Ger am View; "Strict Accountability."

"Watchful Waiting." The term applied by President -Wilson to his Mexican policy. "I do not hesitate to say, now that we see it in retrospect," says Carranza's legal representative in Washington, "that the policy pursued by President Wilson was the only one that could have produced the reestablishment of constitutional government in Mexico, and it has already proven to be the biggest asset the United States has in Mexico." (Washington Post, Nov. 2, 1917.) It may be added that it has also proved to be the biggest asset the United States has in the Western Hemisphere. See Brazil; Cuba; Guatemala; Panama.

Welland Canal. A canal 26~ miles long, running through Canadian territory between Lakes Ontario and Erie. At least two attempts appear to have been made by Germans in the United States to destroy it, both ~f which were failures. See Sabotage; Tauscher, Kane.

When will the War End? (3) "The shortest way out of the war Is straight through." (W. J. Bryan.)

Why are We at War? (1) America no longer occupies. a position of charmed isolation. In this war navies have transported great armies thousands of miles. The wireless has kept Germany informed - almost constantly of developments in the United States. German submarines have appeared in our ports and have sunk ships off our coasts. Already we are within the menace. Let disaster come to the British and American Navies and the war may be brought within our borders. To-day more than ever before we face the problem of defending with a real force or with adequate guaranties our traditional ideals of democratic rule and national independence. If Germany emerges from this war victorious and unreformed, then we, Like France, Holland, Belgium, and Switzerland during the past decades, must shoulder a burden of military preparedness in time of peace such as America has never before known. Nor is this all. The war has taught the strength of the Nation in arms, as well as the pitiful condition of the individual in such a State. Should the German military oligarchy continue after the war to control internal and external policy, then the future is unsafe for us and the world. From this we must defend ourselves as well as the peoples of Europe. See America Threatened; "Der Tag "-When; "U-55"; United States, Isolation of.

Why are We at War? (2) "It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Imperial German Government left us no self-respecting choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign government. The military masters of Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting communities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. When they found they could not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance-and some of those agents were men connected with the official embassy of the German Government itself here in our own capital. They sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They otried to incite -Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her-and that, not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they would send to their death any of our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own people were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether there was any community in which hostile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circumstances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had desired peace, it, was denied us, and not of our own choice. This flag under which we serve would have been dishonored had we withheld our band." (President Wilson, Flag Day address, Washington, June 14, 1917. This address, carefully annotated and explained, can be obtained, free, from the Committee on Public Information.) See German Intrigue; Submarine Warfare; Zimmerman Note.

"Wilhelmina." An American vessel which left New York for Hamburg on January 22, 1915, with a cargo of foodstuffs on board. Calling at Falmouth on February 9, her cargo was detained as a prize and was subsequently subjected to proceedings for condemnation. Ordinarily, the immunity of the cargo, which was consigned neither to the public authorities of the enemy nor to a fortified place, would not have been questioned. But on January 25 a decree of the Bundesrat made all grain and flour imported into Germany deliverable only to certain organizations under direct Government control; on February 6 this provision was repealed; and it had never applied to more than 15 per cent of the Wilhelmina's cargo, which was largely of meats, vegetables, and fruits. The important question raised by the case was therefore whether Great Britain should treat as contraband foodstuffs destined for the civil population of the enemy. This question was never determined, for on March 11, the British Government instituted its embargo upon all neutral trade with Germany, and proceeded forthwith, in accordance with the terms of the order in council, to purchase the Wilhelmina's cargo. See Blockade; Contraband; Embargo, British.

Wilhelmshaven. The chief German naval base on the North Sea, about 40 miles southwest of Cuxhaven, with harbors, docks, and all the equipment for a great naval establishment. See Kiel Canal;

William 11 (1859- ). King of Prussia and German Emperor since June 15, 1888. William II's grandfather, William I, achieved German unity and established the German Empire, and greatly influenced the ideals of his grandson. William II's mother was the eldest daughter of Queen Victoria of England. At his accession he declared to the army: "So we are bound together-I and the army-so we are born for one another, and so we shall hold together indissolubly, whether, as God wills it, we are to have peace or storm." After forcing Bismarck's resignation on March 18, 1890, William II telegraphed to the Grand Duke of Welmar: "To me has fallen the ~post of officer of the watch upon the ship of state. We shall keep the old course; and now full steam ahead!" A few weeks later at Bremen he'~ said, "It is a tradition In our house that we regard ourselves as chosen by God to govern and guide the people over whom we are appointed to rule, so that we may promote their welfare and further their material and spiritual Interests. . . - We Germans shall succeed by vigorous striving toward the goal In accordance with the good maxim, 'We Germans fear God, and nothing else in the world."' These three utterances summarize well his reign from 1890 onward: A devotion to the army and navy; a restless striving to push forward in every field of activity, quite unaware that In so doing he could not possibly "keep to the old course" of caution which Bismarck had steered; and an unlimited confidence In himself as the chosen of God. Endowed with an active mind and extraordinary energy, he sought to lead the way In political, social, and economic matters, to furnish the inspirational literature, art, and science, and to develop the intensely modern materialistic Germany, with its overwhelming discipline, Its progressive efficiency, and its expanding power beyond the seas-Deutschland iiber Alles. By his ceaseless visits to brother sovereigns he may have supposed that he was knitting the ties of friendship and preserving the peace of the world, although these visits were often a burden to th3 recipient and his efforts for peace were neutralized by sensational speeches which caused embarrassment to his ministers at home and concern to his neighbors abroad. See Autocracy; "Hun"; Kaiserisim; Milltarism; "Willy" and "Nicky" Correspondence.

William II, Ambitions. "I hope It [Germany will be granted, through the harmonious cooperation of princes and -~ peoples, of Its armies and Its citizens, to become in the future as closely united, as powerful, and as authoritative as once the Roman world empire was, and that, just as in the old time they said Civia romczntts sum, hereafter at some time In the future, they will say, 'I am a German citizen.'" (Quoted by Christian Gauss, The German Emperor as ~Shown by His Public Utterances, 1915, p. 169.) In 1900 William II boasted that ' without Germany and the German Emperor no great decision dare henceforth be taken." And again: "It Is to the Empire of the World that German genius aspires. God has called us to civilize the world; we are the missionaries of human progress. The German people will be the -block of granite on which our Lord will be able to elevate the civilization of the world." (Quoted by Herbert Adams Gibbons, The New Map of Europe, p. 81.) See "Place in the Sum." William II, Surrender to the Militarists. In November, 1918, the French ambassador in Berlin reported: "The German Emperor Is no longer In his [own] eyes the champion of peace against the warlike tendencies of certain parties in Germany. -. Wilhelm II has come to think that war with France Is inevitable, - and that It must come sooner or later. Naturally he be- believes In the crushing superiority of the German army and its certain success." (French Yellow Boo1~, No. 6.) See Militarism.

"Will to War." A phrase used often by German militarists as a companion to a "place In the sun." "The will to war," they say, "must go hand In hand with the resolution to act on the offensive without any scruples, just because the offensive Is the only way of Insuring victory." See "Place in the Sun"; War, German Ruthlessness; War, German Viem; " World Power or Downfall."

"Willy" and "Nicky" Correspondence. The name applied to a series of letters and telegrams exchanged between William II of Germany and Nicholas II of Russia in the course of the years 1904.-1907; and made public by the Provisional Government of Russia. The series illustrates the efforts of William II to rescue autocratic power In Russia from the discredit Into which the defeats at the hands of the Japanese In eastern Asia had plunged It, and also to bring Nicholas secretly to make alliance with Germany against Great j3ritain and to treat Russia's alliance with France, If need be, as a "scrap of paper." In case of war with England, Denmark was to be treated as Belgium has been In the present war, except that a preliminary effort was to be made to cause the Danes to see and accept the Inevitable. The German Emperor telegraphed on August 2, 1905, from Copenhagen, whither he had gone on one of his numerous visits: "Considering great number of channels leading from Copenhagen to London, and proverbial want of discretion of the Danish court, I was afraid to let anything be known about our alliance, as It would immediately have been communicated to London, a most Impossible thing so long as treaty Is to remain secret for the present. By long conversation with Isvolsky [Russian ambassador to Denmark], however, 1 was able to gather that actual minister of foreign affairs, Count Raben, and a number of persons of influence have already come to the conviction that in ease of war and Impending attack on Baltic from foreign power Danes expect-their inability and helplessness to uphold even shadow of neutrality against invasion being evident-that Russia and Germany will immediate lake steps to safeguard their snterest8 by laying hands on Denmark and occupying it during the war. As this would at the same time guarantee territory and future existence of dynasty and country, the Danes are slowly resigning themselves to this alternative and making up their minds accordingly. This being exactly what you wished and hoped for, I thought It better not to touch on the subject with Danes and refrained from making any allusions. It Is better to let the Idea develop and ripen in their heads and let them draw final conclusions themselves, so that they will of their own accord be moved to lean upon us and fall In line with our two countries. Tout v'ient d qui salt attendre. . . Another series of similar letters exchanged immediately before the outbreak of the war shows that the Kaiser strove to bring the Czar to stop the Russian mobilization, while the Czar strove to persuade the Kaiser to submit the Austro-Serbian dispute to international arbitration. See Nicholas II, Efforts to if a4ntain Peace.

Wilson, President, Quoted. Aim of United States, page 8; alien groups In America, 11; America, creed of, 18; "America first," 13; American Alliance of Laboro and Democracy, 14; Armed neutrality toward Germany, 19; Austria-Hungary, recommends war on, 24; "Battle line of democracy," 80; "Central Europe," 115; chauvinism, 54; civilian relief, 56; civilian tasks, 56; civilization, 147; democracy as a special system, 73-74; democracy the best preventive of war, 74; democracy, a world safe for, 74; diplomacy, 77; disarmament, 79; education in war time, 84; entangling alliances, 87; equality of nations, 87; food economy campaign, 97; "Four Minute" men, 99; freedom of the seas, 102; German Government, bad faith of, 112; German intrigue in the United States, 113; German military autocracy, plan of, 115; German military autocracy, responsible for present war, 116; German military autocracy, spirit, 116-117; German military dominance, 117; German peace intrigue, method, 117- 118; German peace intrigue, motive, 118-119; German people vs. German Government, 120; Germany, break with, 280-281, humanity, rights of, 132; hyphenated Americans, 183; intrigue and peace, 138; labor and the war, 14, 148-149; Latin America, 150-151; league to enforce peace, America's duty, 152; "melting pot," 166-167; militarism, the spirit of, 189; Monroe doctrine to-day, 177; morality of nations, 178; not a banker's war, etc., 238; pacifists, 201; peace overtures...~papal, 209-210; peace with honor, 212; permanent peace, 212-213; profiteering, 224-225; registration, military, 234; property rights vs. lives, 239; "strict accountability," 261-262; submarine warfare, unrestricted, 265; treaties, observance of, 275; United States, break with Germany, 280-281; United States, the champion of free government, 281; United States, isolation of, 282-283; United States, a world power, 284; war aims of the United States, 8, 287; war, magnitude of, 295; war, object of, 295; when the war will end, 802-303; why we are in the war, 303-304; world peace and world opinion, 300.

"Windber." An American vessel, from which, while it was at sea, the steward, one Piepenbink, was removed by a French cruiser. In answer to our Government's protest (dated Dec. 7, 1914), the British Government sought to extenuate the act on the ground that, while Piepenbink had declared his Intention of becoming an American citizen, he was actually still a German subject. Our Government replied that he was an American citizen in contemplation of the law, but that whether he was or not, his removal was without justification, citing the case of the Trent. Eventually the British and French Governments agreed to Plepenbrink's release "as a special favor, while reserving the question of principle."

Wireless Stations. In order to prevent the American coast from becoming a base of operations of either of the belligerents, the President, on August 5, 1914, Issued a proclamation forbidding all radio stations within the United States "from transmitting or receiving for delivery messages of an unneutral nature" This order having been indifferently observed, one month later the Government took over the station at Siasconsèt, while the one at Sayville, which had been put by its owners practically at the disposal of the German Government, was closed. See Base of Naval Operations; Panama Canal During War.

Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense. A group of 10 representative women of the United States, appointed by the Council of National Defense, April 21, 1917, to coordinate and centralize the war work of women. The members are Dr. Anna Howard Sliaw, of New York, chairman; Miss Ida Tarbeil, of New York, vice chairman; Mrs. Philip N. Moore, of St. Louis, secretary; Mrs. Stanley McCormick, of Boston, treasurer; Mrs. JosIah E. Cowles, of California; Miss Maud Wetmore, of Rhode Island; Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, of New York; Mrs. Antoinette Funk, of Illinois; Mrs. Joseph R. Lamar, of Georgia; and Miss Agnes Nestor, of Illinois. The organization has State divisions in 48 States, and acts as a mouthpiece of the Government, sending messages to women, stimulating patriotic service, and supplying a channel for effective prosecution of war work. There are 10 departments or subcommittees finding their counterpart in State, county, and civic units, namely, registration, food production and home economics, food administration, women in industry, child welfare, maintenance of existing social service agencies, health and recreation, education, Liberty Loan, and home and foreign relief. Headquarters at 1814 N Street NW., Washington, D. C., is clearing house for war activities through organizations and through Individuals.

Woman in Industry. A department of the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense working through the State divisions In close cooperation with the Department of Labor to deal with questions directly affecting the work and welfare of women in industry. Occupational surveys constitute part of the work.

Women's Activities, Coordination of. The Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense made the Initial movement in the coordination of women's activities at the meeting of the presidents of national organizations at Washington, June 19, 1917, when 73 organizations pledged their cooperation and a coordination of their various activities with the woman's committee. Previous to this time these organizations had all been more or less actively engaged in war work, which they were not asked to give up but to make more effective by cooperation with activities of similar nature.

Works of Art, etc. Article LVI of The Hague Regulations reads: "All seizure of, destruction, or willful damage done to institutions of this character [religious, charitable, and educational institutions], to historic monuments, works of art or science, Is forbidden," See Louvain; Rheims.

World Peace and World Opinion. "The nations of. the world end must unite In joint guarantees that whatever Is done to disturb the whole world's life must first be tested In the courts of the whole world's opinion." (President Wilson, speech of acceptance, Sept. 2, 1916.) "They must combine with one another so that no nation shall go to war on any pretext which It Is not willing to submit to the opinion of mankind." (Music Hall, Cincinnati, Oct. 26, 1916.) See Arbitration; League to Enforce Peace; Peace Treaties; Permanent Peace, American Duty.

"World Power or Downfall." The title of a chapter in Bernhardi's famous book on Germany, and the Next War. The meaning of the phrase Is made sufficiently clear by the following sentence from the chapter: "We have fought in the last great wars for our national union and our position among the powers of Europe; we must now decide whether we wish to develop Into and maintain a world empire and procure for German spirit and ideas that fit recognition which has been hitherto withheld from them." Yet, farther along in the same chapter, Bernhardi writes thus: "No people is so little qualified as the German to direct its own destinies, whether in a parliamentarian or a republican constitution." For whom, then, Is world power sought-the Hohenzollerns? See "Conquest and Kultur"; "Der Tag."