War Cyclopedia - L
Labor Committee. On April 2, 1917, Mr. Samuel Rompers, member of the Advisory Commission, under authority of a resolution passed by the Council of National Defense February 13, 1917, which divided the Advisory Commission into seven committees, one of which was on Labor, called a meeting of labor representatives and employers at Washington. It became clear that on the issue of national defense a remarkable unity of purpose had developed, among these numerous diverse groups, which it would be possible to utilize to practical ends through the formation of a Committee on Labor. A strong disposition was manifest to avoid the unfortunate industrial experiences of England in the opening months of the war. A permanent organization was formed and an executive committee named of 11. members. Eight national committees have been appointed, of which those whose plans are furthest advanced are the Committees in Relation to Wages and Hours, Mediation and Conciliation, Women in Industry, and Welfare Work, the latter including Safety, Sanitation, Industrial Training, and kindred subjects. The principle upon which these features of welfare work is based, In the committee's assigned task, is that the health, welfare, and efficiency of the workers in the vital industries upon which all else depends are fundamental resources which should be conserved in the interest of national defense. See American Alliance of Labor and Democracy.
Labor and the War. The attitude of labor is significantly shown by the vote of 21,579 to 402 by which the American Federation of Labor on November 19, 1917, indorsed the patriotic course of its head, Mr. Gompers, in unreservedly supporting the active prosecution of the war. Similarly the attitude of the Government toward labor is seen in the letter which President Wilson wrote in September, 1917, to Mr. Gompers: "With all my heart I want them [the friends of labor] to feel that their devotion to country is in no wise a betrayal of principle and that in serving America to-day they are serving their cause no less faithfully than in the past. I myself have had sympathy with the fears of the workers of the United States, for the tendency of war is toward reaction, and too often military necessities have been made an excuse for destruction of laboriously erected industrial and social standards. These fears, happily, have proved to be baseless. With quickened sympathies and appreciation, with a new sense of invasive and insidious dangers of oppression, our people have not only held every inch of ground that has been won by years of struggle but have added to the gains of the twentieth century along every line of human betterment. Questions of wages and hours of labor and industrial readjustment have found a solution which gives to the toiler a new dignity and a new sense of social and economic security. I beg you to feel that my support has not been lacking and that the Government has not failed at any point In granting every just request advanced by you and your associates in the name of the American workers." A more extended statement of the Government's attitude toward labor is to be found in President Wilson's address to the Federation of Labor on November 12, 1917. See American Alliance of Labor and Democracy; "Battle lime of Democracy"; Business as Usual, Attitude of American Business; "Rich Man's War, Poor Man's Fight."
Lafayette Escadrille. A body of young American aviators who, in memory of Lafayette's services to the United States during our War for Independence, volunteered to aid France. Before we had yet declared hostilities upon Germany it was stated that they had brought down 30 enemy aircraft. The pilots use Nieuport machines. They were the first to raise the Stars and Stripes on the western front in April, 1917, upon receiving news of our entry into the war. See Aviation.
Landtag. Prussia has, since 1850, had a constitution and a Parliament, or Landtag, which consists of the House of Lords and the House of Deputies. Most of the bills passed by it have been proposed by tie Government. The House of Lords is dominated by the landowning nobility, the "Junkers," and is subject to the unrestricted power of the monarch to create peers. It has a veto upon all legislation, and the King also has an absolute veto. The House of Deputies is chosen by the people. Every male Prussian who has attained his twenty-fifth year has the vote. The voters are divided In each electoral district into three classes, according to wealth. The result is that a very few rich men are set apart by themselves, and the less rich by themselves, and the poor by themselves. Each of these groups, voting separately and orally, elects an equal number of delegates to a convention, which chooses the delegates of that district. In 1908 there were 293,000 voters In the first class, (4,065,240 In the second, 6,324,079 in the third. The reform of the franchise for the Prussian House of Deputies is one of the principal political questions agitating Germany to-day and is the sine qua non of a democratic Germany since Prussia dominates in Germany. See Bundesrat; Reichstag.
Lansdowne Letter. In a letter to the Daily Telegraph of London for November 30, 1917, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Minister of Foreign Affairs in former Unionist governments and minister without portfolio in the Asquith coalition cabinet of 1915, declared himself in favor of a revision of the Allies' war aims, lest the prolongation of the war "lead to the ruin of the world." He believed the Allies should make it clear that they did not propose to crush Germany nor to take from her her commercial opportunities, and that they were willing to examine the problems connected with the "freedom of the seas." Lord Lansdowne was silent on the possibility of German control over southeastern Europe. His letter was treated as the individual utterance of a war-weary Tory.
Latin America, German Aims in. "While Englishmen and Yankees are everywhere disliked on account of their sharp and reserved manner, the French were, until the seventies, the unrivaled leaders and patterns of these people [the South Americans] in their progress toward a higher culture; but now through their want of numbers and through their swift decline into universal corruption they have forfeited much of their leadership. Would that the Germans might be called through their talents to be the intellectual economic and political leaders of these peoples.
If the Germans do not accomplish their mission, then sooner or later, in consequence of political or financial bankruptcy, the natives of Spanish and Portuguese America will be subdued and despoiled by the United States." (Johannes Unold, Dos Deutschturn in Chile, 1899, p. 65.) "Germany takes under her protection the Republics of Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, and Paraguay, the southern third of Bolivia, as much as belongs to the basin of the Rio de la Plata and the southern part of Brazil, where Germans predominate. - . . [German South America] will procure for us in the temperate zone a territory for colonization where our emigrants will be able to settle as agriculturists. Chile and Argentina will keep their language and autonomy, but we should insist upon the teaching of German in the schools t~ a second language. Southern Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay are the countries for German culture. German should there be the national language." (0. It. Tannenberg, Grossdeutschland: die Arbeit des ~Oten Jahrhuncterts, 1911, pp. 250, 265.) See Conquest and Kultur; Monroe Doctrine; Pmz-Americantism.
Latin America, President Wilson on. In his address at Mobile on October 2.7, 1913, President Wilson outlined his attitude toward the. countries of Latin America. Referring to the burdens Imposed upon the governments of the States by concessions granted to foreign capitalists, he pointed out that too often their domestic affairs came under the domination of foreign interests. To emancipate them from these conditions ought to be the first aim of the United States. Mr. Wilson declared: "I want to take this 'occasion to say that the United States will never again seek one additional foot of territory by conquest. She will devote herself to showing that she knows how to make honorable and fruitful use, of the territory she has, and she must regard it as one of the duties of friendship to see that from no quarter are material interests made superior to human liberty and national opportunity." The Monroe doctrine thus attains a new importance. The people of all nations are free to make investments in any part of the Americas, provided only they do not make them so that they, as investors, may become advance agents of foreign aggression. It is against these more subtle forms of acquisition that the United States protests. See Aims of United States; Monroe Doctrine; Pan-A eric nism.
Laws of War. See Forbidden Methods; German War Practices; Hague Conventions; "Kriegs-Raison."
League for National Unity. This organization, established in October, 1917, announces as its purpose "to create a medium through which loyal Americans of all classes, actions, creeds, and parties can give expression to the fundamental purposes of the United States to carry on to a successful conclusion this new war for the independence of America and for the preservation of democratic institutions and the vindication of the basic principles of humanity." Cardinal Gibbons, of the Roman Catholic Church, and Frank Mason, of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ are honorary chairmen. Theedore Vail, president of the Western Union, is chairman, and Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, vice chairman. The league has its headquarters in New York City. On its executive committee are W. R. Wilcox, chairman Republican National Committee, and Vance McCormick, chairman Democratic National Committee.
League to Enforce Peace. An organization which seeks to substitute judicial and quasi-judicial methods in the settlement of international disputes in place of war. The following platform was adopted at the organization meeting held in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, June 17, 1915: "We believe it to be desirable for the United States to join a league of nations binding the signatories to the following: (1) All justifiable questions arising between the signatory powers, not settled by negotiation, shall, subject to the limitations of treaties, be submitted to a judicial tribunal. . . - (2) All other questions arising between the signatories and not settled by negotiation shall be submitted to a council of conciliation for hearing, consideration, and recommendation. (3) The signatory powers shall jointly use forthwith both their economic and military forces against any one of their number that goes to war, or commits acts of hostility, against another of the signatories before any question arising shall be submitted as provided in the foregoing. (4) Conferences between the signatory powers shall be held from time to time to formulate and codify rules of International law, which, unless some signatory shall signify its dissent within a stated period, shall thereafter govern in the decisions of the judicial tribunal mentioned In Article 1." President of the League, Hon. William H. Taft.
League to Enforce Peace, America's Duty. "When the great present war is over, it will be the duty of America to join with the other nations of the world in some kind of a league for the maintenance of peace." (President Wilson, at Indianapolis, Oct. 12, 1916.) "I believe that the people of the United States are ready to become partners in any alliance of nations that would guarantee public right above selfish aggression." (President Wilson, Memorial Day speech, Arlington, May 30, 1916.)
League to Enforce Peace, Foreign Attitude. Among foreign statesmen who have given the league's program some degree of endorsement are Viscount Bryce, former British ambassador to the United States; Viscount Grey, late British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Mr. Balfour, former British Premier and now Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Prof. Milyukov, first Foreign Minister of the Russian Provisional Government; M. Kerensky, Russian Premier; Viscount Motono, Japanese Foreign Minister; and Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, former German Chancellor. See Arbitration; Peace Treaties; Permane t Peace.
Leather and Skins. The production of leather and skins has been greatly stimulated by the war. The foreign demand for American unmanufactured leather has been enormous. Increase is seen particularly in the exports of patent and sole leathers and of kid, although the British demand for American kid fell in 1917. Total exports in unmanufactured leather have risen during the war from $66,220,116 in 1914-15 to $80,073,887 in 1915-16 and $108,607,085 in 1916-17. The supply for the leather industries of this country has been obtained in some degree from imports. Leather imports in all unmanufactured forms jumped from $10,874,722 in 1914-15 to $20,111,666 in
1916-17. The greatest demand has been for goatskin from Great Britain and India, and for harness and saddle leather, particularly from Canada. Leather manufacture has had a large domestic activity, although the market was heavily overbought in 1916, which left trade dormant early in 1917, Imports in this class of goods have, naturally, declined. The entrance of the United States in the war will strongly affect the industry.
"'Leelanaw." An American steamer, which was sunk by a German submarine in the "war zone" on July 25, 1915, while proceeding with a cargo of flax from Archangel to Belfast. The vessel was flying the American flag at the time; the crew were permitted to Leave the ship and save their effects; the submarine towed their boats toward the Orkney Islands till another steamer was sighted. The case stands on all fours with that of the Frye, the vessel being entitled to protection under the Prussian treaties.
Lemberg. Lemberg is the capital of Galicia, occupied by the Russians in their first Galiclan drive, September 5, 1914, and retaken by the Austro-Germans after a prolonged battle. on June 22, 1915, when von Mackensen's troops entered the city.
Lenine~ Nikolai (1870?- ). The chief leader of the Russian Bolsheviki; his real name Is Vladmir UtulyanoV. In the early nineties Lenine, already well known as the author of several works of an extreme tendency on economic subjects, became a leader of the radical Social Democrats of Russia. Elected to the second Duma after the revolution of 1905, he was soon exiled. At the outbreak of the present war he was in Cracow (Austrian Poland), where he was soon interned as an enemy alien but was released and allowed to join the colony of radical Russians in Switzerland. In April, 1917, through the collusion of the German Government, he reached Petrograd, where he began to preach immediate peace and general confiscation of property. He was the leader of the first Bolsheviki rising in Petrograd in July, 1917. After that movement was put down he remained in hiding, part of the time probably in Finland, but was in constant correspondence with the Bolsheviki. In November, 1917, he beaded a successful uprising of the Bolshevlki in Petrograd. The following summary of Lenine's views on government is based on a pamphlet written by him and presented in the form of a catechism (here condensed) in the New York Times (supplement), November 18, 1917:
We represent the class-conscious proletarles, hired laborers, and the poorer portion of the rural population. . . . We stand for socialism. The workmen's councils must at once take the necessary practical steps for the realization of the socialistic program. They must immediately take over the control of the banks and capitalistic syndicates, with a view to nationalizing them; that is, making them the property of the whole people. . . . We advocate a republic of councils of workmen, soldiers, peasants, etc. All the power must belong to them.
Does the State need a police force of the usual type and a standing army? Not at all. The people must be made synonymous with the army and militia. The capitalists must pay the workmen for their service in the militia. Should the army officers be elected by the soldiers? Yes. Furthermore, every step of the officers and generals must be verified by special deputies from the soldiers. Should the soldiers oust their superiors without authority? Yes. This is useful and necessary In every respect. The soldiers only obey and respect the authorities they elect. We .are emphatically against this imperialistic war and the bourgeoisie governments conducting It, our own Provisional Government Included. . . . We are against annexations. All the promises of the capitalistic governments to renounce annexations are false. . . . Should the peasants immediately take possession of the private lands? Yes; the land must be seized immediately. Strict order should be established through the agency of the councils of peasants' deputies. The production of bread and meat should be increased, for the soldiers must be better fed. The damaging of cattle, implements, etc., can not be allowed. It is necessary to organize the poor peasants and the agricultural laborers. Should the fraternization at the front be encouraged? Yes. This is both useful and necessary. It Is absolutely necessary immediately to encourage attempts at fraternizing between the soldiers of the two belligerent sides. What color is our flag? Red, for the red flag Is the flag of the universal proletarian revolution.
Levies en Masse. The Hague Regulations of 1907 contain the following provision on this point: "ART. II. The inhabitants of a territory which has not been occupied, who, on the approach of the enemy, spontaneously take up arms to resist the In-vading troops without having had time to organize themselves o In accordance with Article I, shall be regarded as belligerents if they carry arms openly and if they respect the laws and customs of war." Germany ratified this provision. None the less, during the opening days of the war she treated all Belgians, other than the regular Belgian Army, who resisted the advance of her forces through that country as franc tireurs and executed them at once. As Germany maintained an overwhelming regular military force, it has been her object to prevent by terrorization the citizens of other and neighboring countries from using Its citizens for defense when the well-prepared German armies should make a sudden invasion. See Combatants; Francs Tireurs.
Liberia. Liberia is a negro republic of western Africa. Its area is about 35,000 square miles, and its population is between one and two millions. The capital Is Monrovia. Liberia declared war against Germany on August 4, 1917.
Liberty Loans of 1917. The name applied to two great loans placed among the American people by popular subscription, under the bond acts of May 24 and September 24, 1917. The first Liberty Loan of $2,000,000,000 at 3~ per cent dates from June 15 and was taken by more than 4,000,000 subscribers; the second Liberty Loan, calling for $3,000,000,000 as a minimum or $5,000,000,000 as a maximum, at 4 per cent, dates from November 15, 1917; the minimum figures for this were oversubscribed by 54 per cent. Bonds of the earlier issue at the lower rate may be converted (before May 15, 1918) into bonds of the later Issue, at the option of the owner; and this provision of convertibility will be applied to any future loans at higher rates. See Bond Act; War Finance.
Liberty Motor. An aviation engine specially designed for war service in battle planes. To two well-known engineers was set the task of designing it on June 3. Manufacturers surrendered their trade secrets and patents; other engineers were brought to Washington to criticize. Draftsmen and designers worked day and night. Parts for the first engine were made in 12 different factories and were assembled on July 3; the finished motor was tested on Independence Day, when the patriotic teamwork was justified. The engine has been tested, formally accepted, and deliveries begun.
Libraries at Training Camps. The American Library Association has undertaken to establish library facilities at each National Guard and National Army encampment. The buildings of the Young Men's Christian Association and the Knights of Columbus In the several camps will be used as distributing centers, and the association will erect other buildings from funds now being raised. The importance of this work is very great, and the public is urged not only to donate books and magazines, which may be left at local libraries, but to subscribe to the general fund through Frank P. Hill, 26 Brevoort Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Liebknecht, Karl (1871- ). German socialist, leader of the present minority of German Socialists protesting against
the war. He Is the son of Wilhelm Liebknecht, one of the Thunders of modern Socialism. He entered the Relchstag in 1912, where he became known for his opposition to the Government. In August, 1914, he voted in the party caucus against sustaining the Government's demands of war credits, but in the Reichstag he voted with the majority to do so, in accordance with the Socialist theory that party members should vote as a unit. In December, 1914, he openly voted against further military credits, declaring that the war was not one of defense on Germany's part. From that time on he has consistently opposed the war and the German Government. On January 13, 1916, he was expelled from the Socialist Party by the majority members for refusing to vote with them, and In May, 1916, he was arrested and sentenced to four years and one month of penal servitude for an alleged inflammatory speech delivered May 1, 1916. It is not his first experience of German prisons, for he was sentenced to eight months in a military prison in 1907 on the charge Of high treason for having written an anti-militaristic pamphlet.
Liebknecht on German war policy. A printed leaflet (without indication of place of printing or name of printer, but coming to us from a neutral country) sets forth under date of May 3, 1916, in the form of a letter to the imperial military tribunal at Berlin, Liebknecht's denunciation of German war policy, as part of his defense:
The German Government is in its social and historical character an instrument for the crushing down and exploitation of the laboring classes ;. at home and abroad it serves the interests of junkerlsm, of capitalism, and of imperialism.
The German Government is the reckless champion of expansion hr world politics, the most ardent worker in the competition of armaments, and accordingly one of the most powerful influences in developing the causes of the present war.
The German Government contrived the war joIntly in concert with the Austrian Government, and so burdened itself with the greatest responsibility for the immediate outbreak of the war.
The German Government brought on the war under cover of deception practiced upon the common people and even upon the Relchstag (note the suppression of the ultimatum to Belgium, the promulgation of the German White Book, the elimination of the Czar's dispatch of July 29, 1914, etc.), and it sought by wicked means to keep up the war spirit among the people.
The German Government wages the war by methods which, judged even by standards till now conventional, are monstrous. Note, for example, the sudden attack upon Belgium and Luxemburg; poison gas, since adopted by all the belligerents; but most outrageous of all, the Zeppelin bombings, inspired with the purpose of annihilating every living person, combatant or noncombatant, over large areas; the submarine war on commerce; the torpedoing of the Lu.sltan4G, etc.; the system of taking hostages and levying contributions, especially at the outset in Belgium; the systematic exactions from Uktainlau, Geoi~g14~ Courland, jPollsh, Irish, Mohammedan, and other prisoners of war in the German prison camps, of treasonable war service, and of treasonable espionage for the Central Powers; the contract between Under Secretary of State Zimmerrnann and Sir Roger Casement in December, 1914, for the organization, equipment, and training of the "Irish brigade," made up of imprisoned British soldiers in the German prison camps; the attempts under threats of forced internment to compel enemy alien
civilians found In Germany to perform treasonable war service against their own country, etc. " Necessity knows no law." - -o
The German Government has, through the establishment of martial law, greatly increased the political lawlessness and economic exploitation of the people; it refuses all serious political and social reforms, while it seeks to hold the people docile for the imperialistic war policy, through rhetorical phrases about equal rights of all parties, about alleged discontinuation of political and social class discriminations, about an alleged new order and direction of affairs, and the like.
The German Government has failed, out of deference to agrarian and capitalistic Interests, to care for the economic welfare of the populationo during the war, and so has prepared the way for a revolutionary uprising of the people and for general distress.
The German Government holds fast even yet to its war aims of conquest, and thereby constitutes the chief obstacle in the way of immediate peace negotiations upon the fundamental principle of renunciation of annexations and of all sorts of oppressions. It stifles through the maintenance-in itself illegal-of martial law, censorship, etc., public knowledge of embarrassing facts and socialistic criticism of its procedure. The German Government thereby discloses its system of specious legality and sham nationality as a system of actual force, of genuine hostility to the people, and of guilty conscience as regards the masses.
Liege. A strongly fortified city on the Belgian frontier. It was attacked by the Germans August 4, 1914, and entered on August 7. The resistance of Liege and consequent delay of the German invasion was of inestimable value to the French forces, and it surprised and infuriated the German military command.
Lincoln, Second Inaugural. "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan-to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." See Peace Terms, Lincoln's View of.
Lloyd George, David (1863- ). The present British Premier. He entered Parliament in 1890. He drew public attention by his vigorous opposition to the Boer War, which he denounced in public meetings at no little personal risk. Nevertheless he entered the Liberal Cabinet of 1905, and in 1908 became Chancellor of the Exchequer. ~His first budget proposed a heavy tax on unoccupied land and -was forced through the House of Lords only by the threat of the creation of new peers. He later championed the cause of social reforms, being the chief advocate of measures such as workingmen's insurance. Although an advocate of better relations with Germany up to 1914, after the outbreak of war he stood for a vigorous prosecution of hostilities. In May, 1915, he was given the difficult task of directing the munitions production, in which labor difficulties had arisen. For this task a new department, the Ministry of Munitions, was created. As Minister of Munitions Lloyd George was a great success, and when Asquith resigned in December, 1916, he became Premier. See Asqttith; Coalitkm Cabinet; Munitions Ministry; War Cabinet.
Loans to Allies. Before the United States entered the war the Allied powers bought in the United States large amounts
of food, clothing, machinery, and munitions, paying for the same either in cash shipped across the ocean or in funds borrowed in America. Our entry gave us a special interest in having their needs promptly met; to which end Congress has authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to loan to nations "at war with the enemies of the United States" a sum of $7,000,000,000. These sums are lent as needed, upon deposit with the United States of their own securities by the Allied nations. Up to December 18, 1917. the following credits had been granted to the various Allied nations:
Great Britain $1, 860, 000, 000
France 1, 130, 000, 000
Italy 500, 000, 000
Russia 325, 000, 000
Belgium 67, 900, 000
Serbia 3, 000, 000
Total 3, 882, 900, 000
See Bond Act; Foreign Exchange; Gold.
London, Declaration of. See Declaration of London.
London, Pact of. See Pact of London.
Lorraine. See Alsace-Lorrai-n.e.
Louvain. A Belgian city in the line of the German advance against France. Here was the greatest university of Belgium, one of the most renowned centers of Roman Catholic erudition. The university and its library, rich in treasures that can never l)e replaced, were deliberately burned by the German army on August 26, 1914, on the charge that citizens of Louvain had intended to attack the invading troops. This has never been proved; Belgians have specifically denied it. Even were it true, the destruction of a great library and the punishment of the innocent in order to terrorize the guilty could not be defended on any known ground. "In this dear city of Louvain, perpetually in my thoughts, the magnificent church of St. Peter will never recover its former splendor, The ancient college of St. Ives, the art schools, the consular and commercial schools of the university the old markets, our rich library, with its collections, its unique and unpublished manuscripts, its gallery of great portraits, . . . which preserved . . . a noble tradition-all this accumulation of intellectual, of historic, and of artistic riches, the fruits of the labors of five centuries-all is in the dust." (Cardinal Mercier, pastoral letter.) See Belgium; "Frightfulness"; Rheims; etc.
Louvain, Character of German Investigator. Dr. Franz Ivers, who presided at the German judicial investigation to determine whether any criminal responsibility for the burning of Louvain could be imputed to any German soldier and, if so, which German soldiers were guilty, reported, In the words o~t Minister Brand Whltloek (dispatch of Sept. 12, 1917, to the State Department): "That the Germans were in nowise to blame for what occurred at Louvain and that they were wholly justified in doing what they did." Mr. Whltlock continues:
"The inquiry at Louvain was wholly unilateral. No Belgians and no neutrals were allowed to follow the progress of the hear
ing. Certain Belgians vOlunteered to testify, among them notabilities of the city of Louvain, but their testimony, even When heard, was not published in the White Book; in short the report in our American phrase was a whitewash. . . . It is not wholly uninteresting in this connection to know that FeldkriegsgeriChtsrat Ivers has since been tried and convicted before the criminal courts of Berlin on a charge of attempted blackmail and of haylug used his legal functions for the purpose of extorting money from the mother of a man then serving in the army, whose wife was suing him for divorce; that for this he has been sent to prison, and that In sentencing him the judge who presided at the trial said that from the evidence it had been shown that the accused Ivers was without moral sense or judgment."
"Lusitania." About 2 p. in., on May 7, 1915, the great Cunard liner Lusita.nia, on a voyage from New York, with 1,918 persons on board, was sunk without notice by the German submarine U-3.9, 10 miles off Old Head of Kinsale. The vesseVwent down 21 minutes after the attack, with resultant loss of 1,154 lives, including men, women, and chuldren, of whom 114 were Americans. The Berlin Government at first asserted that the Lusitania was, "of course, armed"; and German agents in New York procured testimony, which was subsequently proved in court to have been perjured, to bolster up this falsehood. In further justification, the German Government adduced the fact that the Lusitania was carrying ammunition, which, it said, was "destined for the destruction of brave German soldiers." This contention our Government rightly swept aside as "irrelevant." The essence of the Lusitania case was stated by our Government in its note of June 9, as follows: "Whatever be the other facts regarding the Lusitania, the principal fact is that a great steamer?, primarily and chiefly a conveyance for passengers, and carrying more than a thousand souls who had no part or lot in the conduct of the war, was sunk without so much as a challenge or a warning, and that men, women, and children were sent to their death in circumstances unparalleled in modern ~warfare." See Armed Merchantrnefl4 "Frightf mess"; Liebknecht on German War Policy; Munitions; Freedom of the Seas; Submarine Warfare.
"Lusitania" Notes. There were three notes written to Germany upon the Lusitania sinking. In the first, dated May 13, 1915, occurs the expression, "The Imperial German Government xviii not expect the Government of the United States to omit any word or any act," and the contention is advanced that it is impossible to conduct submarine warfare against commerce conformably with international law. In the second, dated June 9, occurs the statement that "the Government of the United States is contending for something much greater than mere
rights of property or privileges of commerce. It is contending for nothing less high and sacred than the rights of humanity." In the third note, which is dated July 21, It is asserted that "the events of the past two months have clearly indicated that it Is possible and practicable to conduct . . . submarine operations within the so-called war zone In substantial accord with the accepted practices of regulated warfare." This note closes with the statement that "the repetition" of certain acts "must be regarded by the Government of the United States, when they affect American citizens, as deliberately unfriendly."
"Lusitania" Warning. On May 1, 1915, the day on which
the Lusitania sailed on her last voyage, various New York morning papers contained the following advertisement:
Notice.-Travelers intending to embark on the Atlantic voyage are reminded that a state of war exists between Germany and her allies and Great Britain and her allies; that the zone of war includes the waters adjacent to the British Isles; that in accordance with formal notice given by, the Imperial German Government, vessels flying the flag of Great Britain, or of an~ of her allies, are liable to destruction in those waters; and that travelers sailing In the war zone on ships of Great Britain or her allies do so at their own risk.-IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, Washington, D. C., April 22, 1915. (New York Times,. May 1, 1915.)
The Lusitan4a sailed on her last voyage at 12.20 noon of the day on which this extraordinary notice of intended murder was published. In its first Lusitania note (May 13, 1915) our State Department referred to "the surprising irregularity of a communication from the Imperial German Embassy at Washington addressed to the people of the United States through the newspapers," and it continued, "no warning that an unlawful and inhumane act will be committed can possibly be accepted as an excuse or palliation for that act."
Luxburg Incident. See "Spurlos Versenkt."
Luxemburg. A tiny State lying between France, Belgium, and Germany, which in 1814 was formed into a grand duchy under the King of the Netherlands and in 1867 was made independent and like Belgium neutralized by a conference of the powers. When, in 1914, Germany demanded free passage through Belgium for her armies she made the same demand upon Luxemburg; the verbal protest of the Grand Duchess was in vain, for the grand duchy possessed absolutely no means of defense against the invading German forces. Since 1914, although the form of the Luxemburg political organization has been maintained, the State has in fact been, administered by the German military authorities.
Luxemburg, Rosa. A German Socialist who was tried in 1914 (before the war broke out) for uttering at a public meeting the following words: "Innumerable tragedies are enacted in the German barracks day after day, but the groans of the participants rarely reach our ears." At her trial she explained that she meant by "tragedies'" "every abuse of a soldier, of course particularly such as lead to suicide, desertion, or such as have similar consequences." The German Government accused her of insulting all the officers, noncommissioned officers, and all persons attached to the Prussian army. Her attorney offered to prove the correctness of her statement by nearly 1,000 cases of brutal treatment of common soldiers by officers. The trial was suddenly stopped, but the Social Democratic newspapers continued, up indeed to the day of the war, to expose the abuses of power by German militarists. See Zabern Affair,
Luxury in War Time. It is the duty of every patriotic citizen to curtail luxury while the country is at xvar, for the war Itself is now the one great necessity which should take the place of all others. So far as we can meet the cost of the war by cutting down our demand for the pleasurable things of life, we can pay for the war without making inroads upon more important interests. It should also be remembered that a demand for luxuries can only be met by somebody's laboring to produce them; that is to say, at the cost of services of which, very likely, the Government has need. Obviously we should avoid competing against the Government In this way. Besides, one desires to feel that 'he is sacrificing something for the country he loves. See "Business as Usual"; Cost of War; Economy; Food Economy Campaigns.
Lvov, Prince George E. First Premier in the Provisional Government of Russia, March-July, 1917. He had long been prominent in the zemstvos, local organizations corresponding roughly to our boards of county commissioners. During the war he organized a national council of zemstvo representatives which took over much of the work of supplying the Russian armies, and in that capacity achieved a great success and won public confidence. He was the natural head of a government which had been formed to prosecute the war to a finish. He resigned in July because he was unwilling to concede the demand for autonomy put forward by the Ukraine, and was succeeded by A. F. L(erensky. See Ukraine; Russian Revolution of 1917.